Daily Current Affairs- 19th July 2022
Pakistan and IMF talks:
What lies ahead?
The latest
IMF press release maintains it would consider an extension of the current
Extended Fund Facility (EFF) to end June 2023 and augment the fund amount to $7
billion for Pakistan.
Pakistan
seeks IMF bailout
Surprisingly,
it took five months to reach the staff-level agreement.
The total
disbursement under the current EFF to Pakistan has now been $4.2 billion.
The talks
were originally aimed at releasing a tranche of $900 million.
What is
Extended Fund Facility (EFF)?
The EFF was
established by the IMF to provide assistance to countries experiencing serious
payment imbalances because of structural impediments or slow growth and an
inherently weak balance-of-payments position.
An EFF
provides support for comprehensive programs including the policies needed to
correct structural imbalances over an extended period.
What was
the Pakistani EFF?
The 39-month
EFF between the two was signed in July 2019 to provide funds amounting to
Self-Drawing Rights (SDR) — $4,268 million.
The EFF was
signed by Pakistan to address the medium-term balance of payment problem, and
work on structural impediments and increase per capita income.
Why did
the talks take longer to conclude?
The IMF
placed demands (all of which seem impossible for Pakistan) includes :
Fiscal
consolidation to reduce debt and build resilience
Market-determined
exchange rate to restore competitiveness
Eliminate
‘quasi-fiscal’ losses in the energy sector and
Strengthened
institutions with transparency
Ousted
Pakistani PM eased fuel prices. This was considered a major deviation under the
EFF benchmarks.
Then govt
gave tax amnesties to the industrial sector, impacted the tax regime and a
structural benchmark for fiscal consolidation.
The IMF
insisted on its demands before approving any release of the tranche.
How
important is the IMF support to Pakistan?
Pakistan’s
economic situation is dire.
According to
the Economic Survey of Pakistan 2022, the fiscal deficit in FY 22 was $18.6
billion, and the net public debt at $252 billion, which is 66.3% of the GDP.
The power
sector’s circular debt is $14 billion.
Why have
the Pakistan-IMF relations remained complicated?
Structural
reforms require long-term commitment, which have been sacrificed due to
Pakistan’s short-sighted political goals.
Hence the
urge to go to the IMF for fiscal stability has been repeated over time.
Risks posed
by a failed Pakistan
There is
also a narrative that Pakistan has the fifth largest population with nuclear
weapons that cannot be allowed to fail.
A section
within Pakistan also places the geo-strategic location of the country would
provide an edge for cooperation, rather than coercion.
Hence, this
section believes, the IMF would continue to support.
Given the
IMF’s increased assertion, Pakistan’s political calculations and the elections
ahead, the relationship between the two is likely to remain complicated.
What lies
ahead for Pakistan and the IMF?
Despite the
latest agreement, the road ahead for the IMF and Pakistan is not an easy one.
Political
calculations and the elections ahead will play a role in Pakistan’s economic
decision-making.
However, one
thing is eminent Pakistan will certainly collapse someday badly like Sri Lanka.
Minority Status in India is
State-dependent: Supreme Court
The minority
status of religious and linguistic communities is “State-dependent”, said the
Supreme Court.
What did
the Supreme Court say?
Every person
in India can be a minority in one State or the other.
One can be a
minority outside his/her State.
Similarly, a
Kannada-speaking person may be in minority in States other than Karnataka.
What was
the petition about?
The court
was hearing a petition complaining that followers of Judaism, Bahaism and
Hinduism are the real minorities in Ladakh, Mizoram, Lakshadweep, Kashmir,
Punjab and the North-East States.
However,
they cannot establish and administer educational institutions of their choice
because of the non-identification of ‘minority’ at the State level.
Religious
communities such as Hindus here are socially, economically, politically
non-dominant and numerically inferior in several States.
Various
states on Minorities
The Centre
gave the example of how Maharashtra notified ‘Jews’ as a minority community
within the State.
Again,
Karnataka notified Urdu, Telugu, Tamil, Malayalam, Marathi, Tulu, Lambadi,
Hindi, Konkani and Gujarati as minority languages within the State.
Who are
the Minorities?
Muslims,
Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists, Jain and Zoroastrians (Parsis) have been notified
as minority communities under Section 2 (c) of the National Commission for
Minorities Act, 1992.
As per the
Census 2011, the percentage of minorities in the country is about 19.3% of the
total population of the country.
The
population of Muslims are 14.2%; Christians 2.3%; Sikhs 1.7%, Buddhists 0.7%,
Jain 0.4% and Parsis 0.006%.
Minority
Concentration Districts (MCD), Minority Concentration Blocks and Minority
Concentration Towns, have been identified on the basis of both population data
and backwardness parameters of Census 2001 of these areas.
Defining
Minorities
The
Constitution recognizes Religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities
in India through Article 29 and Article 30.
But Minority
is not defined in the Constitution.
Currently,
the Linguistic minorities in India are identified on a state-wise basis thus
determined by the state government whereas Religious minorities in India are
determined by the Central Government.
The
Parliament has the legislative powers and the Centre has the executive
competence to notify a community as a minority under Section 2(c) of the
National Commission for Minorities Act of 1992.
Article 29:
It provides that any section of the citizens residing in any part of India
having a distinct language, script, or culture of its own, shall have the
rights of minorities in India to conserve the same. Article 29 is applied to
both minorities (religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities in
India) and also the majority. It also includes – rights of minorities in India
to agitate for the protection of language.
Article 30:
All minorities shall have the rights of minorities in India to establish and
administer educational institutions of their choice. Article 30 recognizes only
Religious minorities in India and Linguistic minorities in India (not the
majority). It includes the rights of minorities in India to impart education to
their children in their own language.
Article
350-B: Originally, the Constitution of India did not make any provision with
respect to the Special Officer for Linguistic minorities in India. However, the
7th Constitutional Amendment Act, 1956 inserted Article 350-B in the
Constitution. It provides for a Special Officer for Linguistic Minorities
appointed by the President of India. It would be the duty of the Special
Officer to investigate all matters relating to the safeguards provided for
linguistic minorities under the Constitution.
India’s Defence Exports
have grown up 7x: PM
Our defence
exports have increased seven times in the last eight years, informed the Prime
Minister. We had achieved defence exports worth ₹13,000 crore and of this 70%
was from the private sector.
Why in
news?
The Indian
Defence sector, the second largest armed force is at the cusp of revolution.
India’s
Defence Exports
India has
put out a range of military hardware on sale which includes various missile
systems, Light Combat Aircraft (LCA), helicopters, warship and patrol vessels,
artillery guns, tanks, radars etc.
From 2016-17
to 2018-19, the country’s defence exports have increased from ₹1,521 crore to
₹10,745 crore, a staggering 700% growth.
Steps taken
by the Centre to boost defence production
Licensing
relaxation: Measures announced to boost exports since 2014 include simplified
defence industrial licensing, relaxation of export controls and grant of
no-objection certificates.
Lines of
Credit: Specific incentives were introduced under the foreign trade policy and
the Ministry of External Affairs has facilitated Lines of Credit for countries
to import defence product.
Policy
boost: The Defence Ministry has also issued a draft Defence Production &
Export Promotion Policy 2020.
Indigenization
lists: On the domestic front, to boost indigenous manufacturing, the Government
had issued two “positive indigenization lists” consisting of 209 items that
cannot be imported.
Budgetary
allocation: In addition, a percentage of the capital outlay of the defence
budget has been reserved for procurement from domestic industry.
Defence
Industrial Corridors: The government has also announced 2 dedicated Corridors
in the States of TN and UP to act as clusters of defence manufacturing that
leverage existing infrastructure, and human capital.
Long-term
vision: The vision of the government is to achieve a turnover of $25 bn
including export of $5 bn in Aerospace and Defence goods and services by 2025.
Push for
self-reliance: The govt has identified the Defence and Aerospace sector as a
focus area for the ‘Aatmanirbhar Bharat’ or Self-Reliant India initiative.
Issues
retarding defence exports
Excess
reliance on Public Sector: India has four companies (Indian ordnance factories,
Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and
Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL)) among the top 100 biggest arms producers of the
world.
Policy
delays: In the past few years, the government has approved over 200 defence
acquisition worth Rs 4 trillion, but most are still in relatively early stages
of processing.
Lack of
Critical Technologies: Poor design capability in critical technologies,
inadequate investment in R&D and the inability to manufacture major
subsystems and components hamper the indigenous manufacturing.
Long
gestation: The creation of a manufacturing base is capital and
technology-intensive and has a long gestation period. By that time newer
technologies make products outdated.
‘Unease’ in
doing business: An issue related to stringent labour laws, compliance burden
and lack of skills, affects the development of indigenous manufacturing in
defence.
Multiple
jurisdictions: Overlapping jurisdiction of the Ministry of Defence and Ministry
of Industrial Promotion impair India’s capability of defence manufacturing.
Lack of
quality: The higher indigenization in few cases is largely attributed to the
low-end technology.
FDI Policy:
The earlier FDI limit of 49% was not enough to enthuse global manufacturing
houses to set up bases in India.
R&D
Lacunae: A lip service to technology funding by making token allocations is an
adequate commentary on our lack of seriousness in the area of Research and
Development.
Lack of
skills: There is a lack of engineering and research capability in our
institutions. It again leads us back to the need for a stronger industry-academia
interface.
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